Over the last couple of decades, urban areas are increasingly characterized by new forms of food production and consumption. The organic food industry in Europe has for instance become an attractive and growing segment of the overall food market in cities (Wier & Carverley, 2002). Existing research about organic food production has characterized organic food as food that is produced in a “natural” way, which means that no pesticides, antibiotics, growth hormones, chemical fertilizers, sewage sludge or modern genetic engineering techniques are used (Winter & Davis, 2006). Organic grocery shopping has become more popular in cities; food stores like the ‘Marqt’, ‘Ekoplaza’ and other specialized & organic food stores have been popping up in and around cities like Amsterdam. Furthermore, the amount of food festivals and food events such as ‘Viva Las Vega’s Food Festival’ and the ‘Rollende Keukens’ in Amsterdam – which are mainly characterized by the sale of healthy, sustainable and organic food products – is expanding. In addition, farmers and other organic food producers have adopted alternative production models to meet this new urge for healthy and locally produced quality foods. The urban demand for organic food ‘close to home’ has led to the rise of sustainable farms dedicated to supplying their products nearby urban areas (Jarosz, 2008).
This increasing demand for organically and locally produced food appears to be a result of the growing environmental awareness and concerns about health effects, quality of products and animal welfare by producers and consumers (Murdoch et al., 2000). One of the consequences of this changing attitude towards food is that consumers and producers are gather together at festivals and protests, to bring food scandals, mass production and alternative ways of food production and consumption under the attention.
‘Stadt/Land Food Festival’ in Berlin where attention
was paid to urban agriculture and the link between the city and the countryside.
Producers, farmers and vendors presented alternative forms of
food provision (Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2014).
‘Wir Haben Es Satt’ protest against mass production & genetic engineering techniques, especially against the transatlantic trade and investment partnership between the EU and US (TTIP)
(Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2015).
Alternative food networks
The development of new forms of food provision, as mentioned above, hint at a growing presence of alternative food networks in cities. These networks are often defined as forms of food provision that are counteractive to conventional food systems because newly emerging networks of producers, consumers and other actors provide alternatives to the more standardized mode of production. Production and consumption are spatially and economically more closely tied together. Furthermore, the key characteristic of an alternative food network is the interaction between producers and consumers; an alternative food network does not imply static sets of relationships. Due to alternative production methods, shorter supply chains and different marketing strategies, producers and consumers are both spatially and economically more closely linked with local farming practices and resources (Goodman & Goodman, 2009). Moreover, producers and consumers share a similar attitude towards quality. This is what drives producers towards a more sustainable production process and makes consumers prefer organic food over conventional products. The new attitude towards quality is strongly related to the production process behind the product. However, producers can only sell their products when the right consumer market is found (Harvey, 2004). Consumer preferences for authentic and locally produced products are part of the taste of the highly educated urban middle class. Products are purchased and consumed to construct an identity; the consumers wish to identify with the images associated with prestige brands. The consumption of these products is related to the urge for authenticity by the urban middle class. By consuming goods that are not purchased by a large public, consumers aim to distinguish themselves from the mainstream crowd (Zukin, 2004). Hence, consumers of alternative food products appear to be well-educated middle-class urban professionals, who are willing and able to pay a premium for organic produced products. The right consumer market can therefore be found in urban areas, in this case at urban food markets.
The urban food market
An urban market place is a place where producers and consumers are socially, spatially and economically closely connected and where alternative food networks can be developed. At the market, production and consumption meet each other, the market gives the opportunity for producers and consumers to exchange information about food and to buy and sell products.
At the market hall ‘Markthalle Neun’ in Kreuzberg Berlin for instance, producers and farmers offer a various amount of products; from fair to eco-friendly, regional and seasonal, handmade and vegan. Examples of the stands are a fish and meat smokehouse, bakery and a small in-house brewery where the consumer can see how the products are prepared.
Markthalle Neun (Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2014).
The vast majority of the producers at Markthalle Neun thinks that the story behind the product is more important than the ‘German Bio Seal’ organic label. The story behind the product, or their ideas about quality, are reflected in the taste of a product. However, taste is an indicator for determining whether a product is produced in a good way or not.
“Everything the animals are eat, you consume as well. And that is what you can, I think, immediately taste in the product you eat. […] If something is treated in a right way, grown in a right way, then it has a taste that is extraordinary, outstanding and distinguishes itself from other products. Yes, that is a sign for quality” (Producer of smoking meat ‘Big Stuff’, Markthalle Neun).
Whereas taste is very subjective, it can be constructed by many factors, namely the ingredients (they should be natural and clean), the season, the production process (how it is made, by whom and where), the overall appearance, the smell, the animals and landscape, satisfaction of employees and appreciation of work, the price, equipment and other aspects of the environment. In addition, taste is a learning process by consumers and producers; producers have to learn how to create and maintain quality whereas consumers have to define and recognize quality in taste. Interaction with the consumer and collaboration with other producers stimulate this learning process:
“I think one of the main things is that they have an interaction with the producers or the vendors himself. So the reason is you have an interaction, you can find out more about the product than you have in a supermarket. There is a network of people. The network is based on this place and many people. […] But it is about researching and especially about interaction and talking to each other. That is part of my job as a vendor here at the market. To create, also to extend this network” (Producer of smoking meat ‘Big Stuff’, Markthalle Neun).
stand in Markthalle Neun (Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2014).
espresso workshop in Markthalle Neun (Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2015).
In Amsterdam, the covered market hall the ‘Landmarkt’ is a market place where production and consumption are spatially closely tied together. The market is located on the northern border of the IJ River, it shares its borders with Schellingwoude. Located at the outskirts of the city, the market aims for the shortest possible supply lines with other producers, farmers and growers. Besides the location at the Schellingwouderdijk, there is also a Landmarkt located closer to the city center, in the neighborhood the De Pijp. The vast majority of the products that are sold are fresh, organic and local. Producers and vendors of the Landmarkt attach great value to the location, as it highlights the connection between the city and the countryside and thus adds to the consumer experience, something quintessential to alternative food networks.
“I think that this location has a special meaning. It is near to the highway, you have free parking in front of the entrance. People are actually coming here to drink coffee, not to do their groceries. We have a beautiful location here, with a terrace outside, toys for the kids, you hear a rooster crowing, you see a little bunny, it is just very relaxed here. At the other location, the public is totally different” (Baker, Landmarkt).
the Landmarkt (Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2015).
Different departments can be found at the Landmarkt, consisting of a bakery, cheese shop, butchery, fish market, greengrocer’s stall and a restaurant. One of the main objectives of the market is to stimulate local production, which is maintained through the collaboration with local farmers and suppliers. The reason to enhance local production is that you have increased control over the production process, it is more sustainable and it contributes to the freshness of the products.
“You need freshness as much as possible, otherwise the taste will become worse. After a week, fish will decay. You can put it in the freezer of course, but that will harm the taste. If you look at fresh fish, below the gills the skin is gleaming, the eyes are bright and so on. If you look at the fish four days later, it looks and taste totally different” (Fishmonger, Landmarkt).
Different blackboards in the Landmarkt provide information about the products, animals and the local suppliers, to highlight the farmer and his product on the one hand and to provide information for the customer on the other hand.
blackboard in the Landmarkt about how to make ‘Boerenkaas’ (Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2015)
blackboard in the Landmarkt about the growth of asparagus (Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2015)
blackboards in the Landmarkt about the quality of life of the pig (Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2015).
Another example in Amsterdam, which shows the turn to quality at urban food markets, is the ‘Foodhallen’ in Amsterdam West. Inspired by indoor food markets as the Borough Market in London and the Mercado de San Miguel in Madrid, the Foodhallen is the first indoor food market in the Netherlands and opened its doors October last year. The building is a renovated historical tram depot and has a monumental status. The Foodhallen consists of twenty-one different stands which offer a variety of products, from local to vegan and organic but also international and multicultural. Besides a large amount of food, the ambience of the Hallen is perceived by the owners as valuable as well. Therefore, live entertainment and workshops are also organized.
What is also considered as important for quality – not only defined by producers at the Foodhallen but also by producers at Markthalle Neun and the Landmarkt – is having the expertise and knowledge of the production process and how the product should be prepared and presented. In addition, according to a couple of producers as the baker and the butcher, quality is created with hands; craftsmanship is necessary and should be put in positive daylight again.
“You need to have a good smoker. The right equipment, knowledge and a lot of patience. Sometimes you have to smoke it for five hours, you have to think about that. Knowledge is important. It becomes black and unhealthy if you smoke it too long, so the appearance and the temperature are important as well. It is fine-tuning, over and over again” (Producer of smoking meat ‘The rough Kitchen’, Foodhallen).
the Foodhallen (Source: Rosanne Nieuwesteeg, 2015).
The urge for quality: for whom?
In urban areas the amount of new food initiatives is growing; the urban food market is one of these initiatives reinvented for a customer who is interested in a more environmentally friendly, local, ethnical and ‘authentic’ shopping experience. It appears to be that quality is created through a network of producers and consumers, whereby producers have the intention to tell the stories about their products and where consumers are not only looking for quality, but also seek a different shopping experience. The physical place of production and consumption is therefore not only important for maintaining quality, but also says something about the interest of a certain crowd. The location of a particular food market partly determines the group of consumers and producers who are interested in a food market, because the market can be found close to their homes and they have the means to seek and buy alternative foods. Markthalle Neun in Berlin is located in Kreuzberg, a neighborhood that has been politicized for a long time; residents were always very politically engaged, also regarding food. It is therefore relevant to ask whether the trend of organic, healthy and locally produced food with higher quality compared to conventional products is predominantly driven by the quality of the product per se; or is this new demand mainly linked to a particular lifestyle whereby the urge for quality is implicitly socialized by status, social class and income and whereby these products are bought to belong to a certain social group? Buying organic foods is especially interesting for the urban middle class, however, if this trend is getting bigger in cities and the supply of food keeps growing, it might be appealing for lower-income groups as well. This can have a positive effect on a city population’s public health for instance. The question is not how, but for whom; who will join these alternative food networks in cities in the future and who will be excluded?
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